The Reform conference wasn’t short on theatre. There were fireworks, merch signings, a singing Mayor and a performance from the Jackson Five. But beneath the teal branding and the Farage showmanship, one question stood out: who is actually influencing this party, and how seriously are they engaging with business?
The answer, at least so far, is patchy.
On the one hand, there was a visible cast of familiar, and less familiar, lobbying outfits. The TaxPayers’ Alliance had a real presence and drove the rhetoric on tax cuts. The Heartland Institute (a US-based climate sceptic group) ran a high-profile fringe disparaging net zero. The Countryside Alliance and NFU were there with tractors and drinks receptions, and The Growth Commission and the Centre for a Better Britain both had slots too, driving some of the more intellectual backing for the policy direction of this fledgling party. These groups were the loudest voices in the room, and their priorities dominated the conference.
But there were also moments that underlined just how open Reform is to hearing from business.
At the Countryside Alliance drinks reception, Richard Tice explicitly asked the farming sector to “tell us what you need to get rid of.” It was less a pitch than an open invitation, signalling that Reform don’t yet have all the answers, and is looking to industry to help fill the gaps.
That openness stands in contrast to what was missing from the agenda for the two-day conference. Housing didn’t feature, infrastructure was barely mentioned, tech was awkwardly shoehorned into an immigration panel. Transport outside of ambitions to scrap HS2, was ignored. A question on social care at a fringe event drew a blank stare from a senior party figure who was forced to concede that there is no official Reform policy in that area yet – in front of a concerned-looking newly elected council leader.
For a party that claims to be preparing for government, the policy platform was skeletal.
And that’s the real story for business. Reform aren’t ready to govern, but they are very ready to be influenced. They are still building, still defining themselves, and their gaps are glaring. If you care about planning, digital, housing, infrastructure, or tech, nobody is meaningfully filling that space yet.
That should be a warning sign for Labour. Eighteen months into government, many businesses and trade bodies already complain of limited access and patchy engagement. Reform, by contrast, looks open and hungry for influence, even if the policy platform isn’t yet coherent. If Labour doesn’t move to repair that relationship with business, it risks leaving space for Reform to fill.
It’s also worth remembering that Reform are still a young party. The ambition to engage with business is clearly there, but the systems and frameworks to do so consistently are not yet in place. In practice, this means opportunities will be uneven; knowing who to speak to, and how, will be crucial as the party evolves.
The “why” is what matters here. A Reform government may be years away, but in the here and now, they are shaping the national narrative far more than their four MPs suggest.
Proof came with Labour’s reshuffle over the weekend. Commentators were quick to note the growing prominence of Blue Labour, a wing with officially just a handful of MPs but an outlook that is economically left-wing yet socially conservative. Its rise at the heart of government looks less like an organic shift and more like a direct response to Reform’s electoral threat. Labour knows where Reform’s appeal lies, and is moving onto their turf to neutralise it.
Reform’s policy platform may be incomplete, but that makes them more open than most. Only a handful of businesses and associations were willing to stick their heads above the parapet this time, but next year it is likely to be more.
The question is which interests will step forward to help write it.
