Three weeks ago, the Government unveiled the English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill, a sweeping package pitched as the next big push to hand power out of Westminster.
The Bill aims to give more power to local leaders and communities across England. It defines SAs with clear tiers of devolved powers and a standard national framework. Mayors will get stronger powers over transport, housing, skills, and economic growth, along with new planning tools and funding options. The Bill also tackles problems in local government by reforming council structures, fixing the broken audit system, and requiring every area to introduce neighbourhood-level decision-making
There is, however, a more subtle but very important change coming as part of the Bill.
Currently, voting arrangements vary across Combined Authorities. Some operate by unanimous voting, some operate by a single majority of all Cabinet members – and some require a simple majority that must include the vote of the mayor.
The proposed legislation in the Devolution Bill will move all authorities to the latter.
Some regions already have this arrangement in place. The Tees Valley Combined Authority Cabinet consists of four Labour Council Leaders and Conservative Mayor Ben Houchen. In order for decisions to pass, the Mayor’s vote must be included in the majority. This places Houchen in an advantageous position when faced by four leaders from the opposing party, allowing him to effectively veto decisions he doesn’t agree with. But how much does party politics really matter on a local level?
Liverpool City Region Combined Authority also empowers the Mayor in this way. You might think this largely uncontroversial for Labour Mayor Steve Rotheram, who sits alongside six Labour Council leaders. So why have this voting arrangement in place? Perhaps this isn’t about making party politics less messy like we assume for TVCA – perhaps this is about who dominates the political stage of the region.
Where this system hasn’t been in place, the situation has been messier.
Take the West of England Combined Authority (WECA). It still relies on simple majority votes across its Cabinet, with no mayoral veto and a more divisive political geography. That has led to infighting, walkouts, and even a third-party mediator drafted in back in 2021. Ultimately, no one has had the power to drive change through, or to over-rule unruly council leaders.
The recently-established North East Combined Authority also operates in this way. This means that Mayor Kim McGuinness must take her place amongst both well-established Labour Party politicians in the region and the rising prominence of a Reform Council leader in County Durham – all the while she has no ‘veto power’.
This is a problem for Mayors trying to establish themselves across the country. But this new legislation effectively moves the model from consensus-building towards (although nowhere near all the way there) executive leadership. Mayors like McGuinness and Helen Godwin, the Mayor of the East Midlands, will have voting power that aligns with their status as the most prominent politicians in their region.
The shift in voting arrangements may accelerate a move away from a homogenous model of devolution. As Combined Authorities grow to encompass broader and more politically varied areas – and with parties like Reform gaining ground in some councils – these changes could entrench mayoral power in some regions while making leadership more contested in others.
The effects of this shift may be noticeable or not. It certainly doesn’t guarantee good governance. We will have to see how it all comes out in the wash in time. The promise is that now that Mayors have a veto, there is less reason for councillors to grandstand and play silly games. The worry is that in politically mixed areas, that risks undermining buy-in from councils – and with it, public trust in devolution itself.
Either way, that’s a big shift in how English devolution works.Find out more about our devolution work
